📰 The Indian Antarctic Bill and its various provisions
What are the objectives of the draft? What has India achieved with respect to Antarctic research and exploration?
•The story so far: The Union government on Friday introduced the Indian Antarctic Bill, 2022, that aims to lay down a set of rules to regulate a range of activities on territories in Antarctica where India has set up research stations.
What does the Antarctic Bill envisage?
•Introduced by Union Science Minister, Jitendra Singh in the Lok Sabha, the Bill envisages regulating visits and activities to Antarctica as well as potential disputes that may arise among those present on the continent. It also prescribes penal provisions for certain serious violations. If the Bill were to become law, private tours and expeditions to Antarctica would be prohibited without a permit or the written authorisation by a member country. A member country is one of the 54 signatories of the Antarctic Treaty signed in 1959 — India joined the Treaty System in 1983.
•The Bill also lays out a structure for government officials to inspect a vessel and conduct checks of research facilities. The draft also directs the creation of a fund called the Antarctic fund that will be used for protecting the Antarctic environment. The Bill extends the jurisdiction of Indian courts to Antarctica and lays out penal provision for crimes on the continent by Indian citizens, foreign citizens who are a part of Indian expeditions, or are in the precincts of Indian research stations.
•Following its first expedition to Antarctica in 1982, India has now established two standing research stations, Bharati and Maitri, at Antarctica. Both these places are permanently manned by researchers. The Bill also establishes a ‘Committee on Antarctic Governance and Environmental Protection.’ The Bill prohibits mining, dredging and activities that threaten the pristine conditions of the continent. It bans any person, vessel or aircraft from disposing waste in Antarctica and bars the testing of nuclear devices.
Why was this Bill necessary?
•Mr. Singh remarked in Parliament that India had been a signatory to the Antarctic Treaty since 1983, which obliged it to specify a set of laws governing portions of the continent where it had its research bases. “Antarctica is a no man’s land...It isn’t that India is making a law for a territory that doesn’t belong to it….the question is in the territory involving India’s research stations, if some unlawful activity happens, how to check it? The Treaty made it mandatory for the 54 signatory countries to specify laws governing territories on which their stations are located. China has five, Russia has five, we have two,” said Mr. Singh. India is also signatory to treaties such as the Convention on the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources and the the Protocol on the Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty— both of which enjoin India to help preserve the pristine nature of the continent.
•“There is growing concern over preserving the pristine Antarctic environment and ocean around Antarctica from exploitation of marine living resources and human presence in Antarctica... India organises regular Antarctic expeditions and many persons from India visit Antarctica every year as tourists. In the future, the private ship and aviation industry will also start operations and promote tourism and fishing in Antarctica, which needs to be regulated. The continuing and growing presence of Indian scientists in Antarctica warrants a domestic legislation on Antarctica consistent with its obligations as a member of the Antarctic Treaty. This is also in sync with the emergence of India as a global leader on important international fronts,” the text of the Bill notes.
What is the history of the Antarctic Treaty?
•The Antarctic Treaty came into force on June 23, 1961 after ratification by the 12 countries then active in Antarctic science.
•The Treaty covers the area south of 60°S latitude. Its key objectives are to demilitarise Antarctica, to establish it as a zone free of nuclear tests and the disposal of radioactive waste, and to ensure that it is used for peaceful purposes only; to promote international scientific cooperation in Antarctica and to set aside disputes over territorial sovereignty.
•Of the 54 signatory countries, 29 have ‘consultative’ status that give them voting rights. The Treaty parties meet each year at the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting. They have adopted over 300 recommendations and negotiated separate international agreements. These, together with the original Treaty, provide the rules which govern activities in the Antarctic. Collectively they are known as the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS).
What research does India conduct at Antarctica?
•India has organised 37 expeditions to Antarctica. The major thrust areas of the Indian Antarctic Programme are climate processes and links to climate change, environmental processes and conservation and polar technology. The operational expenditure of the Antarctic expedition is ₹90-110 crore annually depending on the projects and services.
It will ensure a robust setup, says govt. This is a Kejriwal–phobia Bill, says AAP MP
•The Rajya Sabha on Tuesday passed the Delhi Municipal Corporation (Amendment) Bill, 2022 which is aimed at unifying the three Municipal Corporations of Delhi to ensure a robust setup for synergised and strategic planning and optimal utilisation of resources.
•The Lok Sabha had passed the Bill, which seeks to amend the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act of 1957, on March 30.
•Introducing the Bill in the Rajya Sabha, Home Minister Amit Shah said it will unify the North Delhi Municipal Corporation, the South Delhi Municipal Corporation and the East Delhi Municipal Corporation and accused the AAP government in Delhi of meting out “step–motherly” treatment to the three civic bodies for political reasons.
•The Home Minister also said the trifurcation of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) was done in a hurry in 2012 which led to an imbalance. “I searched the reason for which the municipal body was divided but no reason was available in any file,” he said, adding that the objective was probably known only to the people who had brought it.
•It was divided in such a manner that two of them could not even financially sustain themselves, he said. “Even there are inequalities in service conditions of the workers and because of this, there is a deep resentment among them,” said the Minister.
•AAP Rajya Sabha MP Sanjay Singh, questioning the timing of the introduction of the Bill, asked: “Why did the Modi–led govt wait till now to unify the MCDs? This Bill is not for unification of the MCDs. This is a Kejriwal–phobia Bill. The Centre stopped the Election Commission from announcing the dates for the civic body polls for Delhi,’’ he said.
•Mr. Singh said the Centre has given Delhi only ₹325 crore every year since the AAP came to power. We have given the Centre [in taxes] thousands of crores every year, he said.
•Congress leader Abhishek Singhvi said the move is “constitutionally suspect, legally untenable, administratively blunderous and politically hypocritical”.
•“This Bill is about control and more control by a control freak ‘sarkar’ [government]. It has nothing to do with the plight of Delhi and its hapless citizens. This is a dangerous policy of delaying [polls] through delimitation, which is going to lead to disorder, disorganisation and disaster,” he said.
•“Unfortunately, the ruling party which is moving the Bill wants to rampage the municipal corporations with control, chaos and corruption. This would be, of course, challenged.”
•Taking a dig at the government, Mr. Singhvi said a year ago the admitted revenue gap of the three municipal corporations was ₹2,200 crore. If improvement of the civic bodies was an object, it should have mentioned how the gap would be bridged. Mr. Singhvi also raised the issue of reduction of the number of seats in the three corporations taken together to 250 from 272.
📰 Strengthen secularism, save the republic
India, as a nation, can survive only as a secular state — where the state has no religion and does not promote any religion
•The High Court of Karnataka has not been able to settle the hijab issue. Its judgment has further provoked the hijab-wearing college students in Udupi, who have now approached the Supreme Court of India to contest the order. The judgment of the High Court is very technical. It almost reads like a petition and betrays an excessive eagerness to disprove the other side. This unusual eagerness goes to the point where the court has dismissed a plea of a violation of fundamental rights by merely stating that there was no proper pleading.
Political dimension will fester
•The issue of the hijab is political as well as constitutional. The top court will examine the constitutional aspect and its judgment will hopefully settle the issue. But the political dimension of the hijab issue will continue to trouble Indian society for a long time. No great research is needed to unearth the fact that the seemingly sudden eruption of this issue reflects an insidious intolerance which is quite uncharacteristic of the majority religious community. As a matter of fact, Hindu and Sikh women in northern India cover their heads on all important occasions such as a marriage, a funeral, religious ceremonies, etc. It is a measure of the transformation that has taken place in Indian society that a piece of cloth is enough to serve as provocation for people to come out onto the street and fight against each other. In such an environment of intolerance, the claims of traditional tolerance, pluralism and catholicity seem like a bad joke.
A moral framework
•But the fact is that India does have such a past where people from other parts of the world were welcomed with open arms and allowed to live here in peace and amity for millennia. Proselytising religions did gain some following here but they never posed any serious challenge to the majority religion. A tolerance of other faiths and compassion toward fellow beings became an integral part of Indian traditions because of the Buddha. He gave India the moral framework within which to shape our exchanges with other fellow human beings. The transformation which is being brought about today is clearly outside that moral framework. The Buddha bequeathed to us great wisdom which is being frittered away with a vengeance.
•The Constitution of India adopted that moral framework for the governance of India. Equality, justice and fraternity are as much a part of the great Buddhist tradition as of the modern European Renaissance. It is in fact the good fortune of India and perhaps a historical inevitability that leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru and B.R. Ambedkar were there to give shape to the ideas of a modern nation, rooted essentially in the moral traditions of Buddhism and assimilating the egalitarian impulses of the modern world. Thus, the Indian Constitution provides for freedom of religion and conscience on the one hand and secularism for the governance of the country on the other. Many in this country passionately argue that secularism in India means that the state has equal respect for all religions. This mistaken emphasis leads rulers to attend religious ceremonies donning religion-specific dresses and performing rituals publicly. This is more political grandstanding than any genuine demonstration of faith.
A ‘separation’
•But the point being made here is that under the Indian Constitution too there is a separation of religion from the state as in Europe. In fact, this separation was a major inflection point in the history of the Renaissance in Europe. The essence of India’s secularism is that the state has no religion. This is clear from Articles 27 and 28 of the Constitution.
•Article 27 says that no tax can be levied for promoting any particular religion. In other words, no public revenue is permitted to be spent in favour of any particular religion. Article 28 says that no religious instruction shall be given in any educational institutions wholly maintained out of state funds. The same Article says that no educational institution recognised or aided by the state shall compel any person to attend religious classes or worship therein. Article 25(2)(a) empowers the state to regulate secular activities associated with religious practice. Article 15 prohibits any kind of discrimination on the ground of religion. Above all, freedom of religion is made subject to other fundamental rights, apart from the reasonable restrictions on the grounds of public order, morality and health. Thus, the freedom of religion under the Constitution does not enjoy the same status as other secular rights such as equality before law, non-discrimination, right to life and liberty, etc.
•It is clear from the above that secularism enshrined in the Indian Constitution is based on the principle that the state has no religion. The Indian state is organised on this foundational principle. In Indira Nehru Gandhi vs Shri Raj Narain & Anr, the Supreme Court of India had reaffirmed this principle. The Court said: “the state shall have no religion of its own”.
Religiosity in public life
•There is too much religiosity in public life in India. So, we have conveniently changed the meaning of secularism into ‘ sarva dharma sambhav’ which would only lead to majoritarianism and, ultimately, to the establishment of a theocratic state. We have seen that such a state of mind as “ samabhav” does not exist in reality in today’s India. Theocracy will ensure the disintegration of the country.
•The reasons are not far to seek. India is a multi-religious country where the largest minority is around 200 million. The Government of India had notified as many as six minority religions in the country. So, a theocratic state with the majority religion as the state religion is an unworkable proposition.
•Another crucial factor which makes a theocratic state impossible in India is the complex, inegalitarian, hierarchical and oppressive social structure of the majority religion. A theocratic state functions on the basis of religious laws, which in India means the Dharma Shastras according to which only a particular caste has the right to rule and a large majority of the population will have no right to be a part of the power structure. They will have no human rights and will be perennial victims of systemic oppression and injustice. Since a theocratic state based on the religious texts, in the Indian context, would mean a state which would deny equality before law and equal protection of law to the subaltern class and discriminate against them on the basis of caste, it will be inherently unstable. This may lead to perennial conflicts and the eventual disintegration of society.
A foundational principle
•Therefore, we reach the inevitable conclusion that India, as a nation, can survive only as a secular state where the state has no religion and does not promote any religion. It is a measure of the thoughtlessness of people that educated Indians speak derisively of secularism and have begun to support the idea of a theocratic state based on the majority religion. Their mood is being shaped by the razzmatazz of the religio-political campaigns of today. The wise men who led the freedom struggle and framed the Constitution had a deep understanding of India’s multi-religious and multicultural character and also the complexities of its social structure. Secularism was chosen as the foundational principle of the republic to keep the nation united. Enlightened citizens should realise that if secularism is jettisoned, the hard-won national unity will be in peril. It is the patriotic duty of every citizen to strengthen secularism and thus save the republic.
📰 No quota without quantifiable data
There is lack of recent data on the representation of various communities in education and employment
•The Madras High Court’s recent verdict of quashing the 10.5% special reservation for Vanniyakula Kshatriyas within the overall 20% quota for Most Backward Classes (MBC) and Denotified Communities (DNC) has again highlighted the importance of quantifiable data as a prerequisite for reservation in education and employment.
•Adopted on the last day of the previous State Assembly in February when the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) was in power, the special quota law, which envisaged 10.5% special reservation for the Vanniyakula Kshatriyas comprising seven sub-castes; 7% for 25 MBCs and 68 DNCs; and 2.5% for 22 MBCs, triggered controversy from the word go. Expectedly, the legislation was challenged before the High Court, which held it unconstitutional for a host of reasons. Even though the Court described the submission that the law was enacted only on the basis of “adequate authenticated data on population” of the MBCs and DNCs enumerated by the second Backward Classes (BC) Commission as the “main thrust” of arguments of Tamil Nadu’s Advocate General, it concluded that “there is no data, much less quantifiable data, available with the State government before the introduction” of the law.
No exhaustive study
•It is a fact that no exhaustive study has been done to collect quantifiable data on the representation of different communities in education and employment since the second BC Commission, popularly known after its chairman, J.A. Ambasankar, carried out one during its existence (1982-1985). Even the State BC Commission, in its report of July 2011 to the State government in justification of 69% reservation for BC, MBC/DNCs and Scheduled Castes (SC)/Scheduled Tribes (ST) under the 1994 Act, did not give any community-wise break up of representation in government services. It furnished only the numbers of candidates belonging to the BCs and MBC/DNCs, who were chosen for the State Services and Subordinate Services during 2005-09, quoting the data furnished by the Tamil Nadu Public Services Commission, apart from those from SC/ST and Other Backward Classes selected by the Railway Recruitment Board, Chennai. Even though the mandate given to the BC panel was to come out with its defence of the 69% quota, the Commission could have provided the community-wise break up of recruitments made by the State government.
•At least, now, with the High Court pointing to the absence of data as a reason to annul the 10.5% quota law, the State government should commission a study to compile the data on the way the benefits of reservation got distributed among BCs, MBCs and the DNCs. The study can be carried out either by the present BC Commission or by an exclusive panel, as decided by the previous AIADMK government in December 2020. When the existing BC Commission was set up in July 2020, one of the terms of reference was to examine the demand for internal reservation within the reservation provided for MBCs and make a recommendation on the matter. As made clear by the Court, the quantifiable data are required for providing any form of quota in favour of any community because the Constitutional stipulation of adequate representation in the services has to be met along with that of social and educational backwardness for any community to become eligible for reservation in employment.
Internal reservation
•The need for internal reservation has been felt for more than one reason. Even in the 1970s and 1980s, two BC Commissions found certain sections of the communities more backward than others. The situation has got compounded in the absence of application of the creamy layer rule in reservation, a concept that is being opposed by political parties including the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the AIADMK. Ironically, the first BC Commission (1969-70), headed by A.N. Sattanathan, talked of having a device for “skimming off periodically” top layers of the communities. The Ambasankar Commission advocated compartmental reservation, by grouping the BCs on the basis of backwardness. It went to the extent of saying that the words, “any backward class of citizens” in Article 16(4) of the Constitution “contemplates [sic] a plurality of backward classes and consequent separate reservation for these classes.”
•The concept of quota within quota is nothing new to Tamil Nadu. In March 1989, a new category — Most Backward Classes and De-notified Communities — was carved out of the BCs and given 20% exclusively from the then quantum of 50%. In September 2007, Muslims in the BCs were provided with 3.5% and in January 2009, 3% for Arunthathiyars out of 18% quota for the SCs.
•Most likely, the present DMK government will appeal in the Supreme Court against the High Court’s judgement. At the same time, it should begin the exercise of collecting the quantifiable data, caste-wise and tribe-wise. As the 69% quota law came into force in 1994, the government can have the data compiled since then with regard to education and employment in government institutions, and make them available in the public domain, considering its emphasis on data centric governance and transparency. To begin with, the government can make public, for academic interest, the report sent by the BC Commission in June 2012 on the issue of internal quota which was not acted upon by the then AIADMK regime. Depending upon the findings of the proposed study, the government can frame its policies accordingly to ensure equitable distribution of the benefits of reservation and render social justice in the true sense of the term.
📰 The CUET mandate warrants cautious implementation
The UGC ought to have taken universities into confidence and given due consideration to their concerns
•Central universities may have been caught unawares when the University Grants Commission, or UGC (which looks into the ‘coordination, determination and maintenance of standards of university education in India’), made it mandatory from this year for them to admit students in their undergraduate programmes solely on the basis and merit of scores in the Central University Entrance Test (CUET). They have little time to lose if they want to salvage their academic session. The National Testing Agency (NTA) of the Ministry of Higher Education, which has the responsibility of conducting the entrance tests for all the Central universities for the academic session 2022-23, has announced the details of the test. Registration began from April 2 and the application window will end on April 30. The test is tentatively scheduled for mid-July.
•Few central universities appear ready to guide prospective students about certain essential details that they need while registering for the test. Students must know which language to choose. Since they can appear in a maximum of six out of the 27 domain knowledge subjects, they must know which are the ones which would be required by a university for admission to different courses. Universities with much larger numbers of undergraduate programmes need to take a cautious and careful call in this regard.
Cutting no ice
•Central universities, apparently, have no option but to follow the mandate. A few that mustered the courage to seek an exemption have been denied this. The idea of academic autonomy and the argument that formalisation, uniformity, and standardisation often pull down quality to the lowest common denominator are unlikely to impress. The odds are stacked against them.
•The institutions of national importance (INIs), i.e., the Indian Institutes of Technology, the Indian Institutes of Information Technology, the National Institutes of Technology, and the Indian Institutes of Management, already admit students on the basis of a single common entrance examination, either exclusively or in combination of past academic records. The Indian Institutes of Science Education and Research (autonomous institutions under the Ministry of Education) are probably the only exception to follow a holistic approach. Since a significant proportion of INIs are ranked higher in national and world rankings than the central universities, none is likely to heed their cry that the CUET would lower their standards and quality.
•Despite reservations by a few States, particularly Tamil Nadu, and also many self-financed private and minority medical colleges, the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (undergraduate), or NEET, has become obligatory for admission into medical programmes in all kinds and types of institutions across the country. Further, 12 central universities have been admitting students on the basis of a single common entrance test. Eight deemed universities have already consented to follow CUET scores and chances are that the remaining ones would also fall in line, as they are directly regulated by the UGC.
•The arguments that entrance tests undermine the importance of board examinations and distract students from their studies in schools were given a goodbye a long time ago by the central universities themselves. Most admit students on the basis of their own entrance tests, often programme by programme. The CUET may find favour with students for it might widen their academic choices and save them the cost, the hassle and the inconvenience of attempting many different tests, though they might realise later that the Central Board of Secondary Education-based test may pose a huge disadvantage to an overwhelmingly large number of students from the State Boards.
•Concerns about the quality of the tests arising on account of the autonomy, competence, credibility and expertise of the NTA (which were pointed out so well in the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020), may also not find many takers as only a few central universities would be able to show the validity, the reliability and the consistency of their own entrance tests. The NTA may have faltered in maintaining rigour, resulting in the leakage of national level tests, but universities too may not be able to prove that they have been very successful in having a foolproof system to design and conduct their own entrance tests.
•The only large central university that has been admitting students on the basis of board marks so far has had its share of troubles. It has been criticised for fixing the cutoffs at such absurd levels that even those scoring centum were unsure of joining a college or course of their first choice.
Respecting autonomy
•This is not to argue that the CUET is the best method. World-class universities and the countries in which they are situated do not insist on admitting students singularly on the quantitative score of a common test. Instead, respecting the idea of academic autonomy, they grant their faculty the freedom to evolve holistic criteria for admission.
•The NEP 2020 too while mentioning the need for ‘a common principle for entrance examination’ had emphasised the point that it should be done ‘with due regard to the diversity and university autonomy’. Further, the policy mentions in no uncertain terms that ‘it would be left to the individual universities and colleges to use NTA assessments for their admissions’.
•Since the world is yet to invent a single best method of doing anything, the best possible method needs to be evolved through discussions, deliberations and in consultation with the stakeholders. It would have certainly been better, and in good taste, had the UGC taken the universities into confidence and given due consideration to their concerns.
•The centrally-funded technical educational institutions, central universities, and deemed universities, put together, account for a mere 5.08% enrolment in higher education. The remainder, 94.92%, are in self-financed State private and public funded State universities, and their colleges.
•As the UGC contemplates making the CUET mandatory for admission in all higher educational institutions across the country, it must realise that the anxieties, compulsions, concerns and realities of the State sector may be very different. Besides, higher education being in the concurrent list and, thus, a joint responsibility of the Union and State governments warrants that the States are taken into confidence before their institutions are subjected to a single common entrance test.
•Finally, regulatory reforms, in particular the establishment of the Higher Education Commission of India (HECI), as prescribed by the NEP 2020, need to be expedited, as there is a built-in consultative mechanism in the form of the General Education Council (GEC), for the speedy and thoughtful implementation of the NEP.
📰 Making sports accessible for all
Challenging the stigma and stereotypes that surround women and persons with disabilities in sport is crucial
•The Tokyo 2020 Paralympics was a watershed moment for Indian sports. History was written when a Paralympic gold medal was won by a female Indian athlete for the first time. This achievement was an important symbol of how far India has come in using sports to foster inclusion. It also became a conversation starter about how Indian women are finally claiming space for themselves in what is traditionally seen as a male-dominated field. To build on the successes of the Paralympics, it is important to provide more opportunities and an enabling environment for greater participation of women and persons with disabilities in sport.
•We know that when sports become inclusive, they have the potential to transform not just the lives of those playing but also of the wider community by encouraging the values of fair play. Systems and structures that give a voice and opportunities to everyone tend to be more stable and peaceful. It is no wonder, therefore, that sports are at the heart of the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In its contribution towards achieving educational, health and equality outcomes, sport plays a vital role in furthering the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
Overcoming barriers
•However, in India, like in many other parts of the world, COVID-19 challenged the inclusive legacy of the 2020 Paralympics, in turn threatening the wider benefits that sports can generate for individuals and communities. As lockdowns and social distancing measures were imposed, fewer people were practising and benefiting from sports. This intensified physical inactivity and the deterioration of mental health. Data from UNESCO’s worldwide survey of school physical education show that some 70% of physical education teachers consider their students’ physical and mental health to have worsened during the pandemic, with children with disabilities among the most affected. This crisis context is backlit by a landscape where already not enough was being done to ensure equal participation for all in sports. Budget allocations for physical education and sport remain low. In addition, social and cultural barriers restrict the participation of women and girls in sport. The sports landscape is far more unfavourable for women and girls with disabilities, with opportunities minimised due to discriminations based on gender and disability. This necessitates the need for making sports accessible and inclusive for all by challenging the stigma and stereotypes that surround women and persons with disabilities in sport.
•In this respect, sports are a creative tool that can be used to reach across divisions to promote inclusion and equality. Inertia is always an easy choice, but it is time that we use sports as an enabler in COVID-19 response and recovery strategies. Recovering from the crisis means making communities healthier, stronger and more resilient. Societies will need to prioritise solutions that benefit all people to ‘build back better’. Creating an inclusive sporting culture requires effective policies, progressive curricula focused on quality physical education, and well-equipped/trained physical education professionals. It also requires good coordination among the different organisations and bodies with an interest in sports, and flexibility to account for the cultural, demographic, and infrastructural diversity in India.
The Fit for Life flagship initiative
•To support this vision, UNESCO is launching its Fit for Life flagship initiative in India. Fit for Life is designed to activate smart investments in impactful sport policies, school curricula, and grassroots participation to scale up effective solutions tackling rising physical inactivity, mental health issues, social exclusion, and inequalities. In doing so, and alongside complementary ongoing initiatives such as the Fit India campaign and Khelo India, it is hoped that there will be greater collaboration for healthier, more inclusive and equitable communities.
•Since marginalised communities, women and persons with disabilities are often ignored in sporting policies and activities, increasing their visibility in all aspects of sport should be considered as an important tool to enhance their participation in sport. Promoting female role models is therefore an imperative to strengthen the engagement of women and girls in sports.
•Today, as we mark the UN International Day of Sport for Development and Peace, we are presented with an opportunity to recognise the role sport plays in making our world a better place. Through our efforts, we hope to break stereotypes so that everyone feels confident to engage and excel in sports.
