📰 The roadmap to military reform
We need to understand the Indian Air Force’s arguments on any piecemeal integration initiative
•In the debate on reform in the Indian military, there is a need for clear policy-driven directives that meet India’s national security needs and challenges.
•A recent historical overview would indicate just how confused things are, which doesn’t augur well for a ‘leading power’. The initial flavour of the debate in the decades following the Group of Ministers’ report, the Kargil Review Committee report, and the Naresh Chandra Committee report focussed on a restructuring of higher defence organisation as the first step. This was intended to improve synergy among different tools of statecraft (bureaucracy, military, research and development, intelligence, internal security mechanisms, and more). When very little traction was seen in converting this into structural changes within the Ministry of Defence, and sharing of expertise, the debate shifted to the second tier of reform in the operational realm. This has unfortunately pitted the three services against one another in a series of turf wars that have ranged from control over space to control over cyber and special forces.
Targeting the IAF
•When these turf wars did not result in the proposed space, cyber and special forces commands that were to complement the Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff and the Andaman and Nicobar Command as stepping stones to integration, one more hat was thrown into the ring — that of standalone integrated theatre commands. Without considering any restructuring of higher defence organisation, creation of Chief of the Defence Staff, or debating whether these theatre commands would be accompanied by a dilution in the operational control of the respective service chiefs, the debate now largely targets the Indian Air Force (IAF) in a subtle manner as being the ‘spoiler’ in what is otherwise a largely consensual approach to integration.
•It is important to reiterate some of the core arguments that the IAF has in opposition to any piecemeal integration initiative. If there is any service that is truly ‘joint’ in terms of participation in statecraft or military operations in tandem with other tools, particularly as first responders, it is the IAF. There has never been any recorded criticism or shortfalls in the contribution of the IAF reported by the Indian Army or Navy to the political executive at apex forums like the Combined Commanders’ Conference. If the flying task of the IAF in terms of its distribution between joint and exclusive tasks is scrutinised, conservative figures would reveal more than 60% as being committed to the former. The IAF is cognisant of its pivotal role in determining the trajectory of any limited high-intensity conflict in any kind of terrain.
•Capturing ground beyond a few kilometres or taking physical control of vast maritime spaces for prolonged durations are no longer sustainable operations of war as they arguably result in avoidable depletion of combat potential. This causes unacceptable attrition in limited but high-tempo operations. It is in this context that air power would offer a viable alternative by shaping ‘battle spaces’ adequately before the other services enter combat.
•The creation of large Naval and Army aviation arms demonstrates the IAF’s understanding that there is a need to complement its dwindling resources with air arms that could act as tactical responders at best till the IAF brings its cutting-edge skills into the area to act as a decisive sword-arm.
Apprehensions over reserves
•With such a deep understanding of joint operations, it is impossible to imagine that the reservations expressed by the IAF leadership in supporting the creation of integrated theatre commands in isolation is tantamount to stonewalling. Dissection of the recently conducted exercise, Gaganshakti, would provide a quantitative analysis of this assertion. The main apprehensions of the IAF leadership not only revolve around how best to exploit its dwindling offensive resources if they are hived off to multiple theatre commands, but also how the limited availability of enabling equipment and platforms (AWACS, refuelers, electronic warfare platforms and more) could seriously jeopardise operations even in a single-adversary limited conflict. (This conflict could involve up to three of the proposed theatre commands, including the Indian Navy.) To explain the resource crunch, the U.S.’s Pacific Command (PACOM) and Central Command (CENTCOM) have their own air assets that are first supplemented by reserve units from the
U.S. in emergency situations; they are not pooled in from other theatre commands. So, where will our reserves come from when the mantra today in the IAF is ‘to do more with less’?
•It is not my mandate to argue why the Indian Army and Navy may be able to support the theatre command concept without much churning/ diversion of assets. I will only say this: please listen to the operational argument offered by the IAF and carry out an independent analysis of how India’s combat capability will be distributed if a theatre concept is to be viable.
•India’s armed forces have little experience in training, staffing and exercising Joint Task Forces based on at least a division-sized land component. Creation of three division-sized task forces for operations in varied terrain, including out-of-area contingency operations, could be mulled over. These would be commanded by an Army, Navy and Air Force three-star officer, respectively, reporting to the Chairman of the Chief of Staffs Committee. This could offer real lessons in integration.
The solution for reform
•Along with these turf wars has been an out-of-the-box proposition that a bottom-up approach may be the answer to India’s quest for integration. Historical evidence of military reform (in Prussia, the U.S., the U.K., France and now China) shows that successful reform has always been driven by either a multipronged and simultaneous approach at all levels, or a sequential one beginning at the top. Any other approach that leaves the bottom and the top unattended is fraught with risk.
•National security reforms and restructuring are bound to have far-reaching consequences and call for political sagacity, wisdom and vision. Ideally speaking, a concurrent three-pronged approach to military reform would be ideal. Such an approach should respect the collective wisdom of past reports and take into account contemporary political and security considerations.
📰 Probing an amendment
Recent changes to the anti-corruption law are very worrying
•In the monsoon session, Parliament passed certain amendments to laws on corruption, which could have a far-reaching effect. Among them, the focus here is on two aspects: one requiring prior approval for initiating investigation into allegations of corruption against public servants, and the other requiring prior sanction for prosecution of public servants.
Need for approval
•Section 6A of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act has been amended, reinterring the requirement of prior approval for initiating investigation of corruption cases not only against Joint Secretaries and above, but all categories of public servants. The only exception to this are cases of traps in which such public servants are caught red-handed while taking bribe. Also, till now under Section 19 of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, previous sanction of the competent authority was required to prosecute public servants, under various sections of the Act. This safeguard has been extended to retired public servants.
•One worrying factor is the amendment requiring prior approval of the government to even initiate an investigation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into allegations of corruption against public servants. Under the law of the land, the police has unfettered jurisdiction to initiate investigation into a crime or acts of corruption, once it gets credible information. There are Supreme Court rulings that even the courts can’t interfere in this exercise of power by a competent investing agency. However, political authorities have been trying to appropriate this power from the CBI. It first came in the shape of the Single Directive under the Rajiv Gandhi government, which was confined to senior officers only. A long legal battle was fought before the Supreme Court, challenging the legality of the directive. The court eventually set it aside, in what came to be known as the Vineet Narain case. The bench, headed by the then Chief Justice of India, J.S.Verma, had held that the Single Directive was liable to be quashed as untenable in law.
•While arguing in the case, the Attorney General had sought to justify the Directive on the ground that it was the Minister’s ultimate responsibility to Parliament for the functioning of the agencies. On this point, the Supreme Court had said: “All the powers of the Minister are subject to the condition that none of them would extend to permit the Minister to interfere with the course of investigation and prosecution in any individual case and in that respect the concerned officers are to be governed entirely by the mandate of the law and the statutory duty cast upon them.”
•The court quoted with approval, as has been done in scores of cases, the caution administered by Lord Denning in Regina v. Metropolitan Police Commissioner (1968). Indicating the duty of Police Commissioner, Lord Denning stated: “I have no hesitation, however, in holding that, like every constable in the land, he should be, and is, independent of the executive… I hold it to be the duty of the Commissioner of Police, as it is of every chief constable, to enforce the law of the land… in all these things he is not the servant of anyone, save of the law itself.”
•The burden of the court order was that under the scheme of the criminal justice system and the rule of law, which we have adopted and have been practising, the police and the CBI are bound by the law and the Constitution to investigate a crime reported to them, if there is credible information. They have jurisdiction as per law and that the power to register and proceed with the investigation must remain unhindered. Once the investigation is complete and the police or the CBI is ready with the report on the investigation, other authorities come into play.
Political compulsions
•But even after the Directive was set aside, the political class brought it back in the Central Vigilance Commission Act of 2003. This led to protests and was challenged before the court. In 2014, the Supreme Court set aside this provision of the Act. Inter alia, the court had observed, “The very power of CBI to enquire and investigate into the allegations of bribery and corruption against a certain class of public servants and officials is subverted and impinged by Section 6A.” It also observed, “The scheme of Section 155 and Section 156 CrPC indicates that the local police may investigate a senior Government officer without previous approval of the Central Government. However, CBI can not do so in view of Section 6A.”
•The recent amendment, therefore, is retrograde in nature and is likely to be quashed if contested in the apex court.
📰 PM healthcare scheme from Sept. 25
In Independence Day address, Modi also announces manned space mission
•In his last Independence Day address before the next general election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Wednesday announced not just the launch date for his ambitious health insurance scheme, the Pradhan Mantri Jan Aarogya Abhiyan (PMJAA), but also permanent commission for women officers on short service commission in the uniformed services and plans for a manned space mission.
•The PMJAA, touted as the world’s largest healthcare scheme, aims to provide a cover of Rs. 5 lakh per family annually, benefiting more than 10 crore poor families. It will be launched on September 25. India will send a “son or daughter” to space with the national flag in hand by 2022, the Prime Minister said.
•The speech, at 82 minutes, repeatedly compared his own government’s achievements to the “situation in 2013” of “policy paralysis.”
•It was a speech that delineated the political and governance contours of his government and also gave clues to the political face-off ahead next year. It was not just a report card of his tenure as Prime Minister but a signal on his future priorities, if re-elected. As emphasis went, it dwelt the longest on women and the poor. The Prime Minister not only decried the “demonic tendencies” of violence against women but lauded fast-track courts dealing with rape cases handing out the death penalties in several cases (a mention that got a round of applause from the audience too).
•“I’m proud to say that... my Cabinet has the largest representation of women since independence,” he said.
Triple talaq Bill
•He made a special mention of his government’s efforts at bringing a Bill banning the practice of triple talaq among Muslims. “We tried to pass the Bill in the last session but there are those who have an interest in blocking it. It is my promise to my Muslim sisters that my government will try to get the Bill passed.”
•Referring to the same session of Parliament, he expressed satisfaction at the passage of the SC/ST and OBC Bills. Mr. Modi also emphasised the speed at which his government had moved on basic development work like providing power, housing and toilets in villages and small towns.
📰 Cosmos Bank fraud due to malware in system: NPCI
•The National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) has said the recent incident of cyber attack in Pune-based Cosmos Cooperative Bank, that has caused an over ₹90-crore loss, is due to a malware attack on the bank’s system.
•Hackers transferred over ₹90 crore out on August 11 and 13 through the malware attack on the bank's server by cloning debit cards of the bank’s customers. The transactions were carried through automated teller machines (ATMs) in 28 countries, including Canada, Hong Kong and India. Visa and Rupay debit cards were cloned. The bank registered an FIR with the Chatushringi police station and has closed all its servers and net banking facilities.
•“One of our network members has confirmed a malware attack on their system,” NPCI said, while reiterating that its systems are fully secured and that this issue has occurred within the bank’s information technology environment.
•Bharat Panchal, Head Risk Management, NPCI said, maximum transactions have been reported from outside India. “We wish to reiterate that our systems are fully secure and we are monitoring the situation continuously. We are there to support the bank in identifying the cause of this fraud.”
•After banks failed to upgrade their software in ATMs despite repeated reminders, Reserve Bank of India has directed them to complete the process in a phased manner latest by June 2019. The banking regulator pointed out that many ATMs were still running on Windows XP and other unsupported software. According to banking industry sources, at least 30% of the 2.2 lakh ATMs across the country could still be running on old software.
•Jayant Saran, Partner, Deloitte India, said continuous monitoring and surveillance was required to prevent such attacks. “Banking institutions are vulnerable to cyber attacks. Continuous monitoring, surveillance and incidence response teams deployed on standby can be beneficial in preventing large-scale attacks,” Mr. Saran said.
📰 Making NHPM work: On Ayushman Bharat
Extending health cover to the most needy is vital, and needs an infrastructure upgrade
•Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement on Independence Day that Ayushman Bharat, or the National Health Protection Mission, will be launched formally on September 25 sends out the signal that the government is finally recognising the linkages between health care and economic development. Political parties have not yet made the right to health a campaign issue, and the National Health Policy does not recommend such a right since it cannot be fulfilled. But there is increasing awareness that it is unsustainable for a country of 1.3 billion people to rely on household savings to pay for health care. The NHPM is an ambitious initiative, providing a coverage of ₹5 lakh per family a year to 10 crore families chosen through the Socio-Economic Caste Census, mainly rural poor and identified urban workers. State governments, which will administer it through their own agency, will have to purchase care from a variety of players, including in the private sector, at pre-determined rates. Reaching a consensus on treatment costs through a transparent consultative process is vital for a smooth and steady rollout. A large-scale Information Technology network for cashless treatment should be set up and validated. Since a majority of the families will be rural, and the secondary and tertiary public hospital infrastructure suffers from severe efficiency and accountability problems, State governments should upgrade the administrative systems.
•National schemes on health provide an overarching framework, but the responsibility of executing them falls on the State governments. It is widely recognised that there are “nations with the nation” in India, given the population sizes, disease burdens and the development levels of different regions. Clearly, the NHPM has a problem with the distribution of hospitals, the capacity of human resources, and the finances available for cost-sharing. Addressing these through the planned increase in public health spending to touch 2.5% of GDP, and 8% of State budgets, is the immediate challenge. With steady economic growth, meeting that policy commitment through higher investments will be a test of political will. Yet, it is also an opportunity to tap into a large labour pool for the new jobs that will be created, and to raise skill levels. Reducing the cost of universal health coverage is imperative, and it requires parallel investments in the neglected public sector. Private insurance can only be a short-term option, and it clearly has limitations. Less ethical institutions have been found ordering unnecessary treatments to claim insurance compensation. An ombudsman to deal with complaints from NHPM users should, therefore, be a priority. The Centre should extend the scheme to all children and senior citizens, and cover out-patient consultation and essential drugs to sharply reduce out-of-pocket spending.
📰 Questioning a crackdown
The case for restricting the manufacture of oxytocin is neither rigorous nor reasoned
•The decision of the Ministry of Health to restrict, from September 1, the manufacture of oxytocin only to the public sector unit, Karnataka Antibiotics and Pharmaceuticals Ltd. (KAPL), has sparked fears of shortages and a disruption of supplies of this drug. Oxytocin — which is considered to be a critical drug in maternal health care — is made primarily by the private sector. The restriction is because of alleged misuse of the drug by dairy farmers on milch cattle to stimulate milk production. The Ministry now hopes to control distribution channels and prevent misuse.
•The allegations regarding misuse have been made by the Union Minister for Women and Child Development, Maneka Gandhi, for over a decade. Minutes of the meetings of the Drugs Technical Advisory Board (DTAB) and the Drugs Consultative Committee (DCC) — (statutory bodies under the Drugs & Cosmetics Act, 1940 — record several representations by Ms. Gandhi to the government to do something about the misuse. The minutes also cite experts from the medical and veterinary sciences who advised the DTAB that oxytocin is required in the treatment of both humans and animals. Further, two studies by the Central government, by the Indian Council of Medical Research and the National Dairy Research Institute, conclude that the use of oxytocin does not have an adverse effect on either people or animals. With cattle, the danger of misuse is that it may cause addiction, in which case cattle do not react to normal milk ejection stimuli. Both studies have been cited by the Ministers of Health and Agriculture in Parliament while responding to queries about the adverse effects of the drug.
Basis of official response
•So why has the Health Ministry restricted the manufacture of the drug to only the KAPL? The official answer cited by the Ministry in its order (under Section 26A of the Drugs & Cosmetics Act, 1940) is a judgment by the High Court of Himachal Pradesh in a public interest litigation (PIL) initiated by the court after it came across newspaper reports of oxytocin misuse. As is often the case with such PILs, the court appointed an amicus to assist it. After hearing the matter for two years, the court passed a judgment in 2016 blaming oxytocin for a number of diseases, including breast and uterine cancers, male impotence, excessive hair growth in women and balding for men. However, the court did not cite a single scientific study to support these claims. Worse, it appeared to be unaware of the scientific studies commissioned by the Central government. Towards the end of its judgment, the court directed the State government to consider the feasibility of restricting manufacture to the public sector.
•While the State government appears to have ignored these directions, the Central government, for some reason, decided to adopt the judgment as the basis of its order restricting manufacture to the public sector. The fact is that the High Court sought a study of the feasibility of restricting manufacture to the public sector; it never ordered the restriction to be imposed. From a reading of the government’s order under Section 26A of the said Act, it appears that the government has gone ahead to restrict manufacture without conducting any kind of feasibility study.
Going forward
•While courts generally defer to the government when it comes to orders issued under Section 26A of the said Act, they can still set aside such orders if convinced that there is nothing on record to support the final decision. This standard of review was reiterated most recently in Union of India v. Pfizer (2017), where the Supreme Court concluded: “If the power under Section 26A is exercised on the basis of irrelevant material or on the basis of no material, the satisfaction itself that is contemplated by Section 26A would not be there and the exercise of the power would be struck down on this ground.”
•An order restricting manufacture of a crucial drug such as oxytocin on the grounds of alleged misuse will have to based on a study of the degree of misuse, the demand for the drug, the manner in which the proposed restriction will affect the supply of the drug, and also its impact on public health. The government has not conducted such a study. The Delhi High Court, which is hearing a challenge against the government’s order, should signal to the government that regulation of drugs has to be rigorous and reasoned. It cannot resemble policy quackery.
📰 Fear isn’t the key: On regulation of securities markets
There must be caution about regulatory overreach while granting SEBI more powers
•India’s stock markets are booming, with the BSE Sensex touching new highs. The regulation of securities markets has evolved over the last two and a half decades since the setting up of the Securities and Exchange Board of India, but it is still a work in progress. Front-running, insider trading, shady accounting practices that are tantamount to window-dressing firms’ performance, and other shenanigans to manipulate share prices continue. A panel headed by T.K. Viswanathan, a former Lok Sabha Secretary General, has now submitted recommendations to curb illegal practices in the markets and ensure fair conduct among investors. A key recommendation is that the stock market watchdog be granted the power to act directly against “perpetrators of financial statements fraud”. In essence, this means SEBI can act not only against listed entities under its extant powers but also against those who aid or abet financial fraud — including accountants and auditors. The panel has suggested that SEBI, rather than the Central government, be given the power to grant immunity to whistle-blowers who help uncover illegal activities. It has mooted new ideas to address market manipulation, from better scrutiny of price-sensitive information to the creation of processes to expedite investigation into cases. It goes to the extent of recommending that SEBI be given powers to tap phone calls.
•Greater executive powers, it is being suggested, can help the regulator take swifter action against offenders instead of relying on government bodies such as the Ministry of Corporate Affairs. Ostensibly, this could also free SEBI from various manifestations of political influence. Since SEBI is better placed to understand the complex nuances that financial market fraud entails, compared to other investigative agencies or even those in charge of implementing the Companies Act, it may also be better placed to enforce the law. A strong regulator serves as a good deterrent to truants in the market, but banking on fear too much could also scare away genuine investors. SEBI is widely considered to be one of the more efficient regulators, but it is not faultless. Last year, its order to impose restrictions on the trading of shares of 331 companies suspected of laundering money was seen as a hasty move taken under pressure from the government without a formal investigation. Given that SEBI is now considering a cap on trading by retail investors based on their assessed ‘net worth’, the committee’s suggestion that it may consider any trading by players beyond their known ‘financial resources’ as fraud could lead to undue harassment of investors. Granting more teeth to enable the market regulator to fulfil its primary role of protecting investors is fine. But it is equally critical to empower it with the right tools so that a sledgehammer is not deployed to crack a nut.
📰 The currency turmoil in Turkey
What happened to the Turkish lira?
•The Turkish lira lost a fifth of its value against the U.S. dollar last week, hitting a new low on Monday before some recovery later in the week. The currency has lost over 40% of its value against the dollar this year.
What caused this?
•The U.S. Treasury had recently sanctioned two Turkish Ministers in response to Turkey’s continuing detention of American pastor Andrew Brunson on spying and terror charges. Mr. Brunson was detained in 2016 as part of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s crackdown following an unsuccessful coup against him. U.S. President Donald Trump also said last week that he would double import tariffs on Turkish steel and aluminium. While these tensions precipitated the lira’s descent, there are other underlying causes. The Turkish economy has been in overdrive, centred on a construction and consumption boom; inflation was more than 15% in July; and the country has had a high current account deficit and soaring foreign debt. A strengthening dollar and higher interest rates in the U.S. have compounded the lira’s troubles. Mr. Erdogan’s tightening grip on institutions has further exacerbated the situation.
How is Turkey reacting?
•Mr. Erdogan has said that the U.S. has stabbed Ankara in the back. He also said that the lira would stabilise soon as there was no “economic basis” for its fall. The President urged Turks to boycott U.S. electronic goods, and slapped retaliatory tariffs on American cars and alcohol. The Turkish Interior Ministry is also probing 346 social media accounts for undermining confidence in the economy.
•To calm markets, Turkey’s central bank, on Monday, promised to provide the liquidity needed by banks. Finance Minister Berat Albayrak, who is also Mr. Edrogan’s son-in-law, vowed to defend the lira. Turkish regulators also stepped in to curb foreign accounts from placing bets against the lira.
What are the wider financial ramifications?
•On Tuesday, the Indian rupee breached the 70 mark against the dollar for the first time, largely caused by the lira’s fall. Analysts have been concerned that the turmoil could hit other (emerging) markets. European banks that own significant stakes in Turkish lenders are also at risk. For now it looks like the lira is recovering but, longer term, Turkey will likely raise the already high interest rates, or it may even look to the IMF for financing.
📰 With human space flight, India to push frontiers
ISRO chief says most of the critical technologies are ready
•Gaganyaan, the human space flight Programme green-flagged and set for 2022 by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is highly doable, Chairman of the Indian Space Research Organisation K. Sivan said here soon after it was announced on Wednesday.
•V.R. Lalithambika, a specialist in advanced launcher technologies, will helm the project as Director of the Human Space Flight Project.
•The mission is estimated at ₹9000 crore. Most of the critical technologies and hardware required for the project are ready or have been demonstrated by its centres. ISRO would now stitch them up into a complete project and present a comprehensive project report to get a formal approval of the government, Dr. Sivan said. “We have tested the necessary critical technologies required for the Human Space Flight Programme (HSP) and are confident of achieving it as stated by the Prime Minister,” he said.
•“We will now speed up the paper work and submit a project report for formal approval. We may immediately need around ₹ 2,000 crore for enhancing infrastructure and technologies at two or three centres and we will be asking for this amount,” he told The Hindu.
•Describing it more as a national mission than ISRO’s alone, Dr. Sivan, who is Secretary, Department of Space, said it would be the pride of India. It would raise scientific and technological temper across the country and inspire youngsters. “We are excited by this announcement. It is a gift to the nation and we feel proud. It actually energises us across our centres. We do not feel intimidated or tense. We have seen many challenges in our work,” Dr. Sivan said.
•When it achieves the mission, India would be the fourth nation to circle Earth after the Soviets, the Americans and the Chinese. In 1984, India’s first astronaut Wing Commander (retd.) Rakesh Sharma orbited Earth as part of a Soviet mission.
A 15-year-old space dream coming true
•ISRO revealed the first germ of an HSP in November 2004 and got incremental funds for supporting projects over the next few years. It could not go ahead mainly because the GSLV MarkIII vehicle was not ready until last year. ISRO has also met most of its regular needs. Dr. Sivan said, “In the last few years, we did a lot of groundwork as part of R&D at our centres. We have developed most of the critical technologies needed for a human mission. We demonstrated the flight of a crew module and its re-entry in 2014. On July 5 this year, we conducted an experiment for emergency escape of astronauts called the Pad Abort Test. It will be repeated at higher distances. The rest of the technologies are getting ready and will be realised in time.”
•Before his elevation in January this year, Dr Sivan was the Director of the Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre that handled most of the HSP activities.
•The most critical elements of the human mission are the Environment Control and Life Support Systems that make the crew capsule liveable and the flight safe for the astronauts. Food and hygiene are other aspects. These technologies are getting ready while space suits are being developed at ISRO, he said.
•Facilities are being added or upgraded at a few centres that work on the HSP. The spacecraft will be monitored 24/7 from the ISRO Telemetry Tracking and Command Centre in Peenya. A new dedicated control centre for HSP would be set up at ISTRAC. It must be tracked globally through ISRO stations or of other countries.
•The launchpad at the Sriharikota spaceport, the Satish Dhawan Space Centre, would be enhanced for the human mission. The Space Applications Centre which makes electronic devices and instruments for ISRO missions will also get refurbished.
•While formal agreements are not yet in place, ISRO will collaborate with the Indian Air Force and its Institute of Aerospace Medicine, Bengaluru, to train astronauts. Various defence labs will be tapped for crew support systems.
•Much of the work related to ramping up of infrastructure and supply of hardware would be outsourced to industry in a major way and academia would be involved.
